Introduction
Identity is a social construct by which an individual identifies oneself and differentiates oneself from others. No individual can live without an identity. There are primarily two forms of identity ascriptive and achieved. Ascriptive identities are those which are determined by birth and is not based on individual choice and actions. Like caste, religion and other community identities which are accidental, unconditional, and almost inescapable. Achieved identities on the other hand are recognition of an individual based on one’s accomplishments and qualifications acquired by one’s actions. Human beings are social animals, and each have a community identity which in turn shapes their individual identity.
Accidental ascriptive hereditary identities are used to segregate, isolate, and impose labels on the individuals of the marginalized communities. This labelling is then pursued by devaluation of the Adivasi and Dalit as a human being solely because of the labelled identity which dictates the way society perceives and recognizes the marginalized. Abhay Xaxa in his poem “I am not your Data” vehemently opposes this discrimination by refusing, rejecting, and resisting the judgements about the Adivasi community by the society’s privileged non-tribal communities.
As Charles Taylor argues in his article, “The Politics of Recognition”, identity of an individual is determined greatly by the recognition and misrecognition by others. And the misrecognition of an individual or group as humiliating and undignified characterisation of themselves can cause harm and be a mode of oppression. Through this Article I would argue that ascriptive identities has an overbearing impact over what one can achieve and thus every individual’s achieved identity. The identity of our present President Droupadi Murmu as a Tribal woman and previous President Ram Nath Kovind as Dalit exemplifies how ones ascriptive identity impacts the achieved identity in multiple ways. And to support this argument I would use the example of how ascriptive identities of marginalized communities such as Dalits and Adivasis impacts one’s ability to attain knowledge through the institutionalised education process, attaining which is imperative if not necessary to gain a positive achieved identity.
Institutionalisation of the Historical Wrong Continues
As explained by Gopal Guru, the historical privileges of The Top of the Twice Born (TTB) specifically Brahmins, and the enforcement of cultural inequalities of the Varna caste hierarchy that prevented the lower castes to pursue knowledge is sanctioned by the authoritative Vedas and in sage Manu’s thinking that Shudras are born from the leg and are lacking in thinking capacities. This religious sanction that denied the right to education to women and Dalits was naturalised and adopted as common consciousness.
Mahatma Jyotiba Phule’s quote, “Without education, wisdom was lost; without wisdom, morals were lost; without morals, development was lost; without development, wealth was lost; without wealth, the Shudras were ruined; so much has happened through lack of education.” portrays the historical importance assigned to educating Dalits who were denied access to knowledge.
The essay ‘About the Grief of Mahar and Mangs’ written in 1855, by Muktabai Salve a Dalit girl who accessed education through schools for girls and lower castes established by social reformers Savitribai and Jotiba Phule forwards her argument that education was the only means to emancipate the Mahar’s and Mangs from exploitation and superstition by gaining value, worth and respect. She positively portrays the British colonisers under whose reforms a scope of improvement of the lower castes was possible through access to education. This essay portrays the caste discrimination prevalent in pre-colonial times in which Mangs and Mahars were considered polluting untouchables punished for passing by Brahmins, who were the sole inheritors of knowledge, access to education for the Dalits was unthinkable.
Educational system today continues to be discriminatory from the access to resources and opportunities provided to the privileged that are denied to the Dalits and Adivasi’s merely because of their labelled identities. Access to modern education, grants of fellowships, access to premier institutions abroad like Cambridge, Oxford, and top positions from Vice Chancellor to Assistant Professors in Indian premier institutions predominantly are continued to be held by the TTB along with the other forementioned benefits. While Dalits who lack economic security and are historically underprivileged try to enter educational institutions through disadvantageous fellowship programmes from UGC and ICSSR, and reservation quotas that do not provide them with material security nor guarantee employment but leave them with tag of “Quotas” children questioning their meritocracy to pursue knowledge while going through the intimidating bureaucratic process to enter the arena of knowledge.
Adivasi writer Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar, in his book chapter “The Adivasi will not dance” portrays the exploitation and discrimination the Adivasi’s face from the nexus between the capitalist corporations and the State through a story. In this poignant account the author mentions how the underprivileged tribal children are dependent on free education of Government Schools which lack essential resources to impart knowledge or schools by Christian missionaries whose primary aim remains to convert students to Christianity. This clearly portrays the economic backwardness of the Tribal community, though living in the richest regions in the country and have interests safeguarded by the Indian Constitution (Schedule 5 and 6 of the Indian Constitution) are yet unable to access basic education because of their identity.
Universities and schools can be seen as the micro-representative of society with democratic functioning yet societal biases embedded in its day to day functioning through subtle taunts on castes, lack of empathy towards Dalits and the marginalized proved through increasing Dalit suicides happening in various institutions and thus institutionalised. The evidence of this is the findings of The Sukhadeo Thorat Committee report on the widespread harassment of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the All India Institute of Medical Sciences.
Academic Representation
Abhay Xaxa in his poem “I am not your Data” raises the question of who has the right to represent tribals in the academic writing. A similar argument for the Dalit community is made by Gopal Guru. Majority of articles and the history of Adivasi’s and Dalits are written by the privileged non-tribal and Non-Dalit scholars who had the opportunity to attain education, reflectivity and skills that theses marginalized communities were deprived of. Both the articles portray the vulnerability of Adivasis and Dalits in intellectual engagement. Xaxa, backs this claim by challenging the authenticity of the content on Adivasi written by those who have no experience of the way of life, language, culture, and exploitation that are unique to this community which makes it unrepresentative and an illusory portrayal of Adivasi struggle and identity which places the privileged on a pedestal for further subjugation and misrecognition of Adivasis. Gopal Guru adds that representing Dalits by the privileged constitutes a hero patron – dumb client (Jajmani) relationship of epistemological charity by the TTB. The inaccessibility of formal education and free environment to develop reflective capacities to do theory for the Dalits makes them dependent on the TTB’s for their academic representation.
The limited number of Adivasi and Tribal scholars due to the continuous discrimination, and restrictions imposed based on identity on the marginalized in pursuing the Brahminical and exclusive social sciences and other intellectual ambits is the proof of identity playing a major role in pursuance of knowledge.
