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The Problem

“I didn’t know Beatrice Elachi was this empty. On behalf of the Luhya Community, we disown her,” lamented Otwoma the Brand via X. As much as I would love to dwell on the fact that this post has been up for close to two years, the sentiment directed at Dagoretti North Member of Parliament, is just one of many derogatory remarks directed at women in Kenyan politics, both on and off social media.

Figure 1Beatrice Elachi, current Dagoretti North MP. Courtesy: Nairobi News

In Kenya’s last general elections, women occupied 23% of electoral positions—a far stretch for gender representation in Kenyan politics (Despite Increased Representation Kenyan Politicians Still Face Gender Barriers, 2023). For a country whose success is significantly tied to a woman whether in sports, business, education, or sports, the low number of women representing Kenyan interests in political spaces is alarming. Sadly, this modest progress is overshadowed by ongoing incidents of violence against elected women officials.

The term “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWP) gained recognition in the early 2000s as a means of highlighting the unique forms of violence faced by women involved in politics as candidates, elected officials, or activists. This designation arose from the need to differentiate these acts from other forms of gender-based violence, recognizing that they directly undermine women’s democratic rights. The term also addressed the growing issue of inadequate awareness and underreporting.

The National Democratic Institute defines VAWP as, “all forms of aggression, coercion and intimidation against women as political actors simply because they are women” (O’Connell & Ramshaw, 2018, p.6). The institute perceived this definition as a crucial addition to the standard definition of political violence as a means of forcefully silencing certain political viewpoints.

In a Political Economy Analysis of Women and Participation in Politics in Kenya conducted by UN Women, the 2022 general elections saw women in political campaigns sexually harassed, cyberbullied, threatened with arson, and coerced for sexual favors in exchange for support on various aspects of their campaigns. They also endured targeted attacks on their families and friends, striving to dissuade their current and future involvement in Kenya’s political sphere.

Figure 2 Karen Nyamu, a nominated senator in the current regime, at a political rally while expectant. Courtesy: NairobiWire

The Impact of VWAP on Democracy

The status of women is the status of democracy. This compelling statement by Kamala Harris, the U.S. Vice President, applies strongly to the role of women in Kenyan politics. Traditionally, men have reigned over positions of influence and power within the Kenyan political structures. Throughout the struggle for independence and beyond, men have enjoyed the privileges of formulating practices and policies to address national needs. They have occupied all the central seats in the country’s decision-making both nationally and internationally. This has resulted in government systems that significantly underrepresent women’s rights and needs. Thus, the status of women in Kenya is the status of Kenya’s democracy. The level of freedom, rights, and opportunities afforded to women within the country reflects the true extent of their ability to exercise their right to self-determination.

Figure 3 Courtesy : UN Women Kenya

The underrepresentation of women in Kenyan politics has often been attributed to a perceived lack of interest among women in political roles. However, I contend that when women are systematically denied the right to control their own political and administrative affairs, safeguard and promote their cultural heritage, and manage economic resources in ways that reflect their interests, they are inevitably left feeling marginalized. This marginalization can diminish their motivation and capacity to advocate for these fundamental rights.

Weak Legal Frameworks

Not surprisingly, the Kenyan legal framework on gender-based violence falls short of safeguarding the rights of women in politics. In 2019, a “fabricated” sex tape involving Fatuma Gedi, then the Woman Representative for Wajir, was leaked online, leading to widespread public ridicule that jeopardized her political position (Kimani, 2019). A video editor from a prominent Kenyan digital news outlet was initially arrested for allegedly committing the offense but later released after all charges against him were dropped. In 2021, the Nairobi Woman Representative, Esther Passaris, urged the Director of Criminal Investigations to block former Nairobi Governor, Mike Sonko, from his social media platforms after he exposed various women in politics in sexually compromising situations (Teyie, 2021). However, this request has not been fulfilled to date.

Figure 4 Courtesy The Star

One of the recent instances of violence against women in politics (VAWP) in the country involved nominated senator, Gloria Orwoba, who faced online abuse after wearing stained pants to Parliament to raise awareness about menstrual hygiene and period stigma. During a radio session on a local radio station, Orwoba revealed that she sought advice from fellow nominated senator Karen Nyamu, who has been consistently cyberbullied since her nomination. Nyamu, an Advocate of the High Court of Kenya, ironically advised her to develop a thick skin to cope with the situation. These incidents highlight the inadequacies of the judicial system in combating VAWP.

A Case Study Kenya Can Borrow From

There are numerous examples of countries effectively tackling VAWP. One such example takes us back to 2022 when the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) developed a comprehensive toolkit to address violence against women in parliaments. This initiative was prompted by compelling evidence from a 2018 study conducted by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) that revealed alarming statistics. Some of these included 85.2% of surveyed women parliamentarians who experienced psychological violence during their terms, 46.9% who received death threats or threats of rape or physical assault, 58.2% who were targeted in online sexist attacks, and 67.9% who faced comments related to their physical appearance or based on gender stereotypes.

In response to the above statistics, the OSCE developed five tools within the toolkit, each addressed to a specific category of stakeholders. The first tool defined the topic to all stakeholders while the remaining tools targeted the parliaments, political parties, civil societies, and women in politics respectively. These targeted actions attain their purpose of acknowledging the threat VAWP poses to democracy and outlining clear, actionable steps to address it.

Kenya
Figure 5 One of the tools developed by the OSCE to address VAWP. Courtesy : OSCE

Kenya has much to learn from the OSCE. However, these cases represent just a fraction of the global efforts and strategic measures implemented to combat VAWP. Many countries worldwide are actively working to eliminate this barrier to democracy, Kenya should follow in these footsteps as a means of demonstrating its collective commitment to advancing gender equality and safeguarding democratic processes.

We need a Kenya where women feel safe and empowered to participate in formulating laws and policies that shape their country. Women are as integral to Kenya’s future just as men are, and their involvement is essential for a truly representative and effective governance.

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